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星期四语言:普通话中的性别歧视

星期四,2010年4月1日

canadagoose_300_tcm9139738_thumb3 在本周的语言后我要在书面审查中的性别影响和口头语言,对中国妇女的反应中使用的许多歧视性的表现今天。

鉴于大多数传统文化极为按照今天的标准性别歧视,这是很常见的在今天的语言嵌入式性别歧视的内容。 在英语中,例如,还有一个叫什么老最让人讨厌的女消防员。 用自己的性别declensions拉丁语甚至更成问题,重要的一点是,一些大胆的西班牙女权主义者喜欢写“abogad @”,以涵盖所有可能的男女律师。

在旧中国儒家传统是很难性别平等的一个例子,由于儒家学者和汉字在几千年的亲密关系,这是理所当然的字符应该进行一些重要的偏见。 正如我们将看到的,语言是没有任何好转,反映了社会里的女人有一个共同的人,即使是有限的作用。 点击继续»

侨报创业的告终

星期五,2010年3月26日

关于新媒体和报纸死亡的辩论已进行了多年的免费上网。 在中国内部网[ 1 ],但是,这个问题并没有引起太多的兴趣,因为这里已经被谋杀的新闻检查员前通过长期的可怕的手。 正是由于这个原因,中国的报纸是在媒体的消亡今天的前列。

没有任何更多的序言,让我介绍你的东方早报,其中两个在上海大晨文件。 以下是他们的一些头版本周:

19th to 26th March

看看这些头版仔细,你有没有注意到有广告? 是。 我买这个文件每天早上,我很高兴看到他们已经找到了一个创新的方式去面对危机:刚刚摆脱了新闻和广告取代它们。 格雷夫人,默多克先生,你注意听吗? 或许这就是记者得救了。 点击继续»


注意事项:
  1. 是的,现在企业内部网,从我拒绝提及本[笑话随着互联网的控制,直至阻碍桂枝茯苓丸的含义理解Web万维网 ]

百度(2) -一个神秘的首席技术官辞职

星期一,2010年1月18日

baidu 该新闻的辞职百度的首席技术主任黎医囡来到作为Chinayouren的震荡,我在哪里,仍然张开CDT的与goggling眼睛。

这将会使更多的噪音会比现在通常,人们会很快找到连接与谷歌中国内政, 黑客攻击的百度。 两者都不可能有任何与李的决定关系。 在百度危机发生之前很久了做饭的任何东西的人,与伊朗网络攻击是相当常见的这些日子

不过这些都属于正常现象。 令人震惊的一点是,6天以前,很久以前的新闻已经出来,在一个评论者在这个博客上告诉我们什么事要发生在百度的首席技术官。 我在与人接触高? 在互联网或其他呢? 我不知道,但我会尽量更注重未来神秘的意见。

关于谷歌的事情,如果有的话,这使得谷歌百度的举动更是不合时宜的危机,因为他们可能已经注意到这种情况的优势现在赶上了关于百度的市场份额位。 如果仍然有一些关于我的立场重新肯定了谷歌的事,我目前正在写一标题发布“谷歌:不要犯类似的错误”。 这将是在今天,如果我不入睡前。

百度:网页未找到

星期二,2010年1月12日

哇。 Baidu.com被砍死今天上午9:30左右,并于下午三时就回来。 超过5:30小时的停机时间。

最糟糕的是,他们没有办法隐藏它是一劈,连人民日报刊登的图片 也许媒体不认为党作为中国的光荣产业的一部分网站,它是不掩饰问题。 不喜欢他们可以隐藏它不管怎样,但我觉得有趣的是,他们没有尝试:

P201001121023191407819851

这使我想起,我昨天在文章才新巧合的标题为: 找不到网页 它说明了一个中国互联网行业是非常反感,创新不寻常的情况。

但值得除了国内环境的影响,行业内部的一些腐朽的危机难辞其咎。 旋风式的发展导致了隔夜的财富,这反过来又吸引了一批不合格的企业家动机可疑的大量故事。 该行业在创新现在看起来是有风险的,而模仿者急功近利线上游戏,廉价的内容和剽窃。 他们利用监管漏洞,或在经济的灰色地带的业务。

我不想简单的阅读事件太多成,但它是一个很大的处理种在第一中国纳斯达克公司,网站排名在中国和N8 N1的世界 我不禁感到,百度已经在他们的安逸太久的市场份额和政府保护会议上,销售的搜索结果或引诱用户下载的MP3与版权。 创新和改进,而不是他们的安全。

可以肯定的是,百度还带来了一些新的东西偶尔,我很喜欢Baidupedia查找中的事情。 但是当你与Facebook,Twitter或谷歌相比,你看到这些公司都在不断冒险尝试新的想法,而中国的网站往往坐下来和复制。 我的意思是,你当然不能运行的互联网公司像你正在运行一个钢铁厂?

难道仅仅是巧合,也许,但百度首席运营官下台昨日原因“个人”。

Ĥ /吨单位内部CDT的

更新:这是晚上七时baidu.com仍然是打开和关闭。 该服务柯桥镇百舸,MP3等工作正常休息,可以通过baidu.cn访问,但主要网页已关闭在这个时刻。 停机时间接近10小时了。

年终版(二):中国十年

星期一,2010年1月4日

tiget 老虎即将浮出水面。 新的十年,已经出现在西方,在中国,我们在这个无人太阳之间农历新年和土地再次,与公牛和老虎。 现在是时候回头看看我们的立场。

在世界政治几十年的时间来衡量,很多人会调用00s在中国的10年。 这只是一个简化,这10年不过是一个较长的过程开始于78,可能还会再持续十年以上。 然而,如果我们要选择一个事件,标志着10年来在世界政治,标志着像冷战结束后的90年代,中国的崛起是最合理的选择。 没有其他事件很可能是更在世界历史上的决定性。

在第一个职位在今年年底前版中,我们证明,在一般的10年增长趋势,2008年是一个高峰为中国传媒世界的存在,而2009年已回复到比较正常的水平。 这不能掩盖高峰一般趋势:越来越多的中国不可避免地成为一个世界超级大国,它已经改变了人类的力量平衡。

测量中十年

如果我们要选择一个单一的参数来衡量这一上升,是经济,可以给我们最好的线索。 没有所有点去小数十年发展趋势进行分析时,所以计算很简单:中国有大约7%的增长速度比西方国家在过去十年中,并似乎表明 ,这将持续到10秒。

*非常简单的计算:1.07 ^ 10 = 2

在1 7%的税率差距1年,中国的经济规模相对于西方国家的经济是每10年翻一番。 今天,大多数估计中国国内生产总值的地方之间的1 / 41 / 2的美国经济,根据购买力平价计算,如果它是在名义GDP或研究。 这意味着,如果在未来10年没有其他变化,中国经济将成为世界最大的2020年和2030年之间的任何时间。

这一计算的后果是巨大的,今天他们已经运作。 这是我们的行为在股市这样的:因为在政治决定是考虑到可预见的未来,而不是现在。 中国已经取代欧盟在世界政治,即使是经济的一小部分的欧洲,即使它不希望成为主角。 媒体和政客对中国博彩的未来价值。

十年的问题

当然,也没有任何保证的00s的增长模式将继续在10秒。 有一种思想的重要学校,在坚持不可持续的中文系统。 他们提到腐败,日益加剧的不平等,缺乏公民权利和公民社会,自由市场的创造力和压迫,无法建立一个世界级的品牌,在混乱的金融体系等问题,以证明自己的预言,迟早中国经济必然崩溃。

我们谁在中国生活和工作的人都知道,这些问题非常严重,非常真实的,在某个地方的路线必然要成为一个严重的调整。 然而,同样的预言已几乎每年都定期在过去三十年,倒塌的承诺至今仍未兑现。

在这10年真正的问题是什么时候?

中国的经济会停止生长之前或之后,已成为一个超级大国的美国一样大? 会中认真需求更多的权利和自由之前或之后中国已成为一个发达的国家呢? 将经济和政治逐步进行调整与中国新一代领导人,或将有一个在这个十年中爆炸危险?

我们没有对今天的答案,你不应该相信谁的中国专家声称拥有核武器。 所有我们能做的就是框架的上述问题,并观看了早期迹象回答在未来几年出来。

不过,有一个发言,我们今天可以。 在世界来看,很明显,很多重要的球员已经在中国崛起的投注,这看法是,每年收集更多的支持。 正如我们所看到的上面,以至于在世界超级大国的情况下多数认为,中国已经是一个超级大国。 政治的力量来自于国内生产总值提前几年,新的世界秩序已经是今天的事实。

图文: 埃里克里斯贝格

*这是一个工程师的计算,任何严重的数学家的恶梦。 然而,大多数桥梁,我们做的还站在那里,当我们十年发展趋势什么比这更准确的说是一个笑话。

年终版2009(1):测量“中国”

星期四,2009年12月31日

告别2009年。 这里是另一个年终Chinayouren特别,第一次手术后满一年。 感谢所有为坚持围绕。

像往常一样,我们将开始同中国在新闻受欢迎。 今年,是比以往更有趣,因为2010年是一个整数,和早期鸟类的中国专家已经喊了中国的10年。

正如我们预测的最后一次 ,2008年是世界高峰在中国相关的新闻,它是将是难以击败,在短期内。 在此总的上升趋势,2009年已回复到合理的水平上媒体的关注,部分原因是新疆和天安门事件周年的比赛没有奥运会,西藏,四川和;部分原因是美国Obamania偷王国显示来自中东。

在今年头几个月的危机确实带来一些关注中国,但是当人们清楚地看到了经济刺激计划正与危害控制下,记者的兴趣减弱。 以下是中新网,结果我的 ,高精密跟踪装置我从东安格利亚购买统一的:

image

事件发生的“中国1881年至2009年在LaVanguardia”

今年我想去远一些,所以我从下面添加统计谷歌趋势的新闻引用了术语“中国”。 请注意,谷歌趋势是不超过自己原来的方法准确,因为消息来源的数目增长,谷歌总是引用。 重新调整的规模,我们必须尝试中性的字眼,例如“当”或“他”,并以此作为他们的视觉零轴,倾斜,整个曲线向右。 这一结果证实清楚08高峰。

image

谷歌趋势的新闻为“中国”(轴不纠正)

不过,这个制度是不是很准确,我想找到一个更可靠的方法来估算中国的影响。我老中新网米以上的猜测是一样好,我可以得到了。 作为一个在巴塞罗那随机主流与中国没有任何特殊联系的报纸,也没有理由先锋报不应复制大致在西方的大趋势。

另一种可能的解决方案(数字虽然没有)是使用工具“ 谷歌时间轴 “一些比较特别的报纸出现的”中国“内。 有趣的是,我已经看到,“曲高和寡”的报纸,如纽约时报或瓦坡,往往有一个更加稳定的中国报道,因为他们通常有专人专职到这个问题:

image

纽约时报出现的“中国”

而更多的“低水平”像今日美国报论文往往表现出更多的山峰和山谷,他们遵循的利益更紧密地流行的趋势(见2008年西藏+四川+奥运会大规模峰):

image

对“今日美国报中国出现”

作为一个临时的结论我会说,从今日美国报结果和类似文件是更重要的,因为到目前为止,媒体的有世界最多的读者。 这再次证明,在我的老中新网米看到的趋势,同时也证实了大多数中国博客的印象我曾到:2009年并没有像2008年热。

您的电话

我仍然不完全符合这些测量满意,我期待找到一个更好的方法来估计“中国”,并按照时间的推移它。 如果您有任何想法,请让我知道在评论。 任何建议表示欢迎。

在此期间,2010年的投注预测开放,最亲密的猜测得到一个啤酒。记住有上海世博会和年底的经济刺激方案,加上奥巴马将新颖磨损。 我去一个安全的4000这个时候(我们必须使用,因为它是在它的数目只占图表中新网米再次)。

在接下来的部分中,我们将看到这个09博客的结果,我会造成与2009年收集最好的你。 While I get that ready, to follow the year end tradition, here's the green pastures of the Biscay coast:

DSC_1034 (1280x857)_thumb[4][4]

UPDATE: This morning I did a “callibrated” Google trend, taking the word “when” as horizontal reference. “The lower curve is the one representing “China”. The results are far from precise, but they do confirm a strong peak in 08 and return to normal in 09:

Occurrences of "when" (up) and "China"(down) in Google Trends News

UPDATE2 : I have found out these days one reason why the Chinanews-meter shows such a sharp fall in 2009: in the beginning of the year the popular correspondent of La Vanguardia, Rafael Poch, was demobilised from Beijing. It is very possible that a few hundred of the articles missing in 09  can be explained by his absence.  Of the charts above, probably the general reality of Western media is somewhere between the USAToday and the NYT charts. I am still looking for a way to put numbers to that, any idea would be welcome.

Snail House: A Tale of Modern China

Sunday, December 27th, 2009

W020090318258260613327 I have been away for a while because all my holiday time has been absorbed by two fascinating stories of Shanghai, one of them a TV serial, the other a novel.

The serial is WoJu, the Snail's House, stupidly translated to English as Narrow Dwellingness, or whatever. It has been red hot in China since its first broadcast in November. Alice Liu of Danwei and the Youku buzz blog covered it recently.

As those blogs noted, this has been the most explosive success we remember in Chinese TV serials. In less than a month it sparked heated debate on the internet, attracted millions online and off, and with that came the hideous hand of the censors. One reason for its rapid success is the central theme about the problems to buy a house, which just hit the spot among the young Chinese audiences.

But Woju is much more than a tale of real estate and corruption. It is a gripping drama, with rich subplots evolving around a central love triangle, populated with very real characters. A sharp critique of the modern Chinese society, and by far the best product I have ever seen on the mainland TV. Originally it was a novel published  in 2007 by Liuliu, a Chinese writer that we should be watching more closely in the future.

Here are my impressions of the serial now that I have finished the first 15 chapters.  I will focus on the two main points of interest: the informative contents for anyone looking to understand China, and the quality of the product independently of other considerations. In the end are also some funny things I observed related to censorship and others.

Content

This serial is the paradise of the 中国通, the aspiring China experts.  Anyone trying to understand China should watch it. If the characters are not exactly real (no fiction can ever be) their worries, their problems and their motivations are a hi-fi amplified reflection of those moving the young citizens of China today. It is a concentrate of Chinese reality.

All the elements we have been speaking for the last years are there, not a single one is missing: guanxi building, cadres' 二奶 (lovers), shanghai men bullied by their wifes, working parents who can't see their babies, illegal high-interest loans, collusion between developers and local officials, the conflict between shanghaiers and outsiders, the overnight rich of Wenzhou, the ethics of the new China, the 拆迁 or "destroy and move", the "nail people" who resist, the shanzhai mobile phones… you name it.

And all is so precise that you can even see how much the characters are earning in their jobs, what interest the loan sharks ask, or how much it costs a party cadre to get his first little 二奶 (lover).

There are surely better books that depict the Chinese society in the past, but the subject is changing so fast they are all outdated. I do not think there is any other work of fiction today that reflects more precisely the Shanghai society circa 2010.

SP32-20091225-195431

“你好,我是局长曲市委(我只是你的女朋友浓密)”

如果你正在学习中,该系列是其惯用的柑橘大双必需的。 如果你没有,然后站在与英文字幕的DVD,希望得到他的海盗这次托福水平翻译人员。 肯定是有这个市场,我也不会感到惊讶,如果他们提出了明年的电影,只要政府不停止它。

质量

但超过上述所有重要的是产品的质量。 这是好小说和良好的娱乐。

这个故事是出于强烈的爱海藻三角集中于年轻,漂亮的女演员扮演的黎妮广 上面列出的所有内容,包括获奖者和房地产热的失败者,倾向于解决此爱/恨的故事,在两个不同世界的联系提出:在laobaixing和干部,城市中国的两班。

但也许是串行,一个新鲜的空气中呼吸电视最好的方面,是其对公众的道德教训绝对缺乏。 没有英雄或坏人这里。 贪婪的开发商,在不能忍受虚荣的妻子,丈夫的懦弱者准备的上海,神秘的,令人上海女孩扮演李念。 他们每个人只是一个单一的,有弱点和所有人一样的野心。 他们每个人可以达到最好的和最坏的打算。

即使是腐败官员太人。 一个中年危机的一个软弱的人拥有太大的权力在他手上,一个系统,不检查自己的行为。 腐败象爱情一样,作为一个自然的过程中发生的事件,一个生病的社会效果和个人的邪恶计划没有。 和江州,世界街头的中国,对上海站,是行动,所有的字符都绝望漂泊强大的旋风。

检查

毫不奇怪,序列已被封杀的政府。 不过,它已被封杀的方式罢工拘谨我,如果不是太愚蠢。

自从我在欧洲我现在,我已经能够观看YouTube上的串行和截尾一比较就可以用中文网站优酷。目前还没有关于上述图像,如果上海市委官员公然与男友的聊天记录检查他刚才的女孩强奸使他的政治力量免费使用。

相反,下面的图像进行设限:

SP32-20091225-194521SP32-20091225-194614

看到原来的场景,及以下的设限版本,如中国所示。

这是第一个序列正确的性场面。 在原来的版本,你看到在一个屏幕上季的海藻呻吟的脸,而其他图像对应于各自的妻子和男友,谁是在为自己的亲人担心家里所示,而他们正在奥林匹克乌龟类。

海藻是比快乐先生上面显示宋淫秽呻吟脸吗? 画出你自己的后果。 此外有趣的是注意到,生产者还参加了设限的过程,热场面不仅仅是削减了,但编辑和其他正本代替,如妻子的上述较大的图像。

其他详情和问题

我会回来当我有更多的串行工作的细节,但目前我有2对市民的问题,尤其是对于许多中国我知道是谁已经观看了全部35个章节:

SP32-20091225-194044

1 - 为什么如此突出的串行显示“库格尔”shanzhaied的海藻电话,是否只是为了使其更切合实际,还是一个报复,因为谷歌拒绝赞助?

2 - 有一个情节我只是不明白部分:如何才能海藻是处女,当她第一次与宋睡觉,如果她一直与她的男友生活呢? 这是在阴谋的差距还是我错过了一些严重的(和担心)中华文化的元素?

圣诞快乐。 刘西澳博了11年。

星期五,2009年12月25日

大家圣诞快乐。 伤心的圣诞中国,和我们大家谁爱这个国家,谁相信自由,尊严和真理。

整整一年前,在圣诞节那天,我发表这篇文章对刘宪章。 我是至关重要的原因是多方面的倡议:它包含的矛盾,这是被动而不是活跃,这不是一个宪章,以团结所有华人。 但最重要的是,该文件起草的保证,它没有机会飞行方式。

这一举措实际上是出生死亡,宪章是从来没有在09月初在中国大课题,这是危机和刺激,我们当时看了。 党赢得了从第一天的比赛,什么时候在欺负刘现在,一年后? 显然,只是为了树立榜样,以确保签名者的其余部分将闭嘴,并避免在未来数年的新倡议。 “杀鸡骇猴”,是中国传统说。 这不是正义,而是一个讨厌黑手党的把戏。

即使你不相信在中国,即使你认为民主国家(像我这样做),西方的虚伪的政府都没有给这里的教训,即使宪章可能不是最好的方式实现的崇高原则它宣称。 即便如此,任何人都可以看到像样的,像这样的文件应该永远不会成为一个人的理由是他的自由剥夺。

党知道这一点,并再次审查,在互联网上撒谎隐瞒了中国人民的肮脏行为。

现在故事已经回升,由CNN和它做一些噪音。 如果我们运气好,这远远不够,甚至奥巴马会给我们一个难忘的路线。 但它不会改变任何东西,因为这一切是与中国交易的一部分。 而这句话是什么或多或少比可能是今天我国政府预期。

刘知道这口井,他决定去的,尽管它的。 那是因为他是一个理想主义者,一个英雄。 他会被记住。

在这种情况下更多的在这里 此外,从我自己的博客: 在这里这里这里

这些都是中国的原则,在2008年出版的303勇士们:

自由自由是在人类普遍价值的核心。 言论自由,新闻自由,集会自由,结社自由,自由在哪里居住,和自由,罢工,示威,并抗议,等等,都需要这种自由的形式。 没有自由,中国将始终是远离文明的理想。

人权。人权不是一个国家所赋予。 每个人与生俱来的尊严和自由的固有权利。 政府的设立,是其公民的人权的保护。 国家权力的行使必须受到人民的授权。 在中国近代史上的政治灾难继承是对政权无视人权的直接后果。

平等。的完整,尊严和自由的每一个人,不论其社会或站,职业,性别,经济状况,种族,肤色,宗教,政治信仰,是其他任何人一样的。 对法律面前人人平等的原则和社会,经济,文化,公民和政治权利必须得到平等的原则。

共和。共和,其中认为权力应不同部门之间的利益均衡和竞争的政府应该是服务,类似于传统中国的政治理想的公平性在所有的“天下”。它允许不同的利益群体和社会集会,和人民同一个多种文化和信仰,行使民主自治政府和商讨,以达到对平等获得政府和公众自由和公正的基础上和平解决问题的竞争。

民主。民主的基本原则是,大多数人民是主权和人民选择他们的政府。 民主具有如下特点:(1)政治权力来自人民,来源于人民和政权的合法性。 (2)政治统治经过人民选择,让。 (3)在各级政府的主要官员职位的人士有决心通过定期的选举。 (4)在尊重大多数人的意愿,基本尊严,自由,人权和少数民族权利的保护。 总之,民主使政府成为“人民的一个现代化手段,通过人民,为人民。”

宪法规定。宪法规则是规则的规则通过法律制度和法律,以落实宪法原则,是阐述了研究。 这意味着保护公民的自由和权利,限制并划定政府权力的合法范围,并提供必要的行政机构,为这些目标。

来自中国的“媒体”看到消亡的

星期三,2009年12月2日

有很多事情是一个来了最近在这一领域的“灭亡媒体 “。 特别是在中国,我们看到了一系列令人瞩目的职位由詹姆斯法洛斯等,铸造中国一些访美奥巴马的结果。 对于新旧媒体辩论,但这并不能算是一个打击,因为在双方讨论了报纸的人。 但是中国有一个使事情更有趣的方式,在这里,我们看到一个不同的角度来看事情。

没人真的关心在人民日报国家的媒体“,”消亡,反而在这里的媒体辩论是在亲中国主场迎战反中国而定。 奥巴马的访问是一个伟大的案例分析 ,因为这次的争议是太模糊,以激发群众,我们可以看看它没有西方的螺母偏光效果和愤青的朋友。

在所有关于西方媒体偏见的讨论中,我始终站在一个不舒服的中间立场:我不同意,有一个世界的阴谋破坏中国的形象,但我看到有一些新闻的项目很多严重的偏见,我试着去了解其中的原因。 这是我试图向大家解释:它已与3,在不同的比例,主要权力也影响所有的大众媒体:在国家,企业与读者。

  • 媒体主要由国家控制这包括一些BBC或NPR的主要西方球员一样,媒体以及中国的大部分的。 对他们来说关键工作是可信的机制,以确保他们从执政党,这是不可能的国家的党和国家的独立是不显着。 在某些情况下,如英国广播公司,它们可以产生高质量的成果,但系统无法升级:如果所有的媒体是由国家控制,信誉将受到严重损害。
  • 媒体主要是控制企业 ,无论是媒体公司本身或他们的主要广告客户。 这可以包括公司文件,如华尔街日报和新闻,也有不少是(当地报纸的读者 )由于地理原因,有担保的,其主要挑战是没有真正得到更多的读者(即在其领土上的人口是有限的),而是获得与当地商界建立最好的广告交易。
  • 媒体主要读者控制是一个努力取悦尽可能多的读者,以增加其血液循环。 例子包括英国小报和网络媒体的很大一部分。 在争取获得更多的读者,一直是重要的时间从普利策 ,但随着新技术和报纸的危机,它已成为至关重要的。 在因特网上,没有人关心企业的意见,或对一国的法律,甚至。 唯一有效的参数是点击每一个月,只要你提供,广告客户不会问问题。

所有这三项权力在不同程度上影响所有媒体,而其中没有一个是有利于公正的报道。 但很少写关于这一点,因为我们大多数人都提出了严酷的现实条件:无论是好是坏,这些影响是不可避免的。 因此,辩论不是关于如何获得一个完全公正的报纸,而是如何保存已经存在的许多,他的偏见去不同的方向和实行“相互制衡”的不完善,使读者的关键得出一些结论。

这种多样性是必要的,我们看到在西方现在是一个日益严重的一致性,从热衷于请读者来。 讽刺的是,摆脱了前两个权力本身,媒体是下降的第三个犯人。 互联网已经变成国王信息到一个完全竞争的市场,消费者,但我们在这里看到的 ,看不见的手是不是所有的善于客观的报道。

当读者的需求,新闻独立,意味着他们很少从自己的独立性。 但事实上,他们可以是最具破坏性的影响:不仅他们很容易欺骗成群结队自己,而且他们缺乏制衡,以期提出正确的观点的信息。 当媒体告诉读者他们想要听到的,它关闭的党派偏见和先入为主的想法反馈回路,这是很难逃脱,并吸收外部真相的调查,成为次要的。 这是媒体的主要危险之一,新老一样。

从结论看中国

我不知道到什么程度,为读者的因素是质量差的媒体负责,但我相信它在可预见的反中国偏见的主要作用。 正如我们在看到新疆 ,许多西方记者在那里看到的残酷虐待的制度中,就像奥巴马华盛顿记者随后看到中国新兴的检查和权力。 在这两种情况下,故事前由西方读者写的期望,而且大多数媒体新与旧脚本乖乖地跟着。

我相信读者的偏见在问题的根源是因为我根本找不到任何其他解释。 它不能成为大企业的利益,当大多数企业已在中国大的股份,以及民族主义或贸易战争崛起只能为他们带来的损失。 它不能像美国政府,这没有什么能获得在中国民族主义和军事化崛起的利益。 这显然是因为媒体的偏见,只是在西方社会中的中国形象的反映,这两个意象与思考不断互相喂食。

世界需要良好的基础,合理的柬埔寨人民党的政策的批评,特别是在人权的灾难性的纪录。 但不幸的是,由错误的时间错误的目标和重点(例如,当中国在乌鲁木齐数百人被杀害)西方媒体只设法从中国信徒疏远自己,和中国之间建立更and the West误解。 通过这样做,他们是不自觉地提供燃料,柬埔寨人民党的民族生存的需要,进一步拖延的自由,是我们最真诚的中国的愿望。

假如媒体真正关心公平的报告,他们可以设法让更多的大陆记者和读者,并听取他们的意见,介绍其与西方读者闭环一抗衡。假如中共真的关心的中国形象,他们可以走很长的改进 ,而不一定放弃他们的独裁权力。

但是,我们不要太多的梦想,无论是中共的主流媒体也有这样的优先次序。 他们来自不同的世界未来旧的结构,它们共享一个共同的目标:生存在快速变化的时代。

新疆的经验教训:的深层根源

星期六,2009年8月8日

eeeee 对一个政府的基本目的之一就是要确保市民的安全,从这个角度来看,我国政府并没有在乌鲁木齐壮观。

首先,它没有足够能力保护受害人的韩期间,7月5日晚上。 一些错误的决定是最有可能在危机中采取的,与治安部队的领导责任的,至少部分解释了中国。

但是,共产党已经失败,更重要的方式,这不能归因于在紧急的时候简单的人为错误。 它未能创造了中国和平共处的条件;它在很客观的失败 它指出自己:作为社会创造和谐 200中丧生的中国是这个失败的明证。

我会分析这个职位的原因各族间的政策可能没有什么可以做的一些原因,以改善有关情况。 同时有赞成和反对新疆独立,这将使一个迷人的讨论,许多好的理由,但我不会触及这个问题在这里。 无论理论认为,实际情况是,新疆是,并应保持在可预见的未来中。 汉族和维吾尔族都可以平等地调用大量新疆自己的家园,这些人必须学会为自己而生活在一起。 让我们尝试是建设性的,看看如何可以做到这一点。

党的意图的

我开始时说,政府已经失败,这是显而易见的。 但是,要完全公平,各族关系是一个非常困难的领域,几乎每一个世界政府未能在一定程度上。 望着坐在地区,新疆,与各族间和宗教间的纷争类似邻近国家比较,我们不得不承认,新疆在过去20年的记录是远远灾难性的。

有人认为没有更严重的问题,原教旨主义,自杀炸弹袭击,战争,只是因为汉族是镇压维吾尔族人口不人道的极端。 这很容易证明是错误的,,谁该地区已知道这一点。 此外,在世界简单看看可以告诉我们,即使是最极端的军队镇压并不能保证和平,而是相反,如乌兹别克斯坦,车臣和巴勒斯坦看到。 这不是主要力量,但繁荣和稳定,一直保持沉默的维吾尔人。

党的各族间的政策失败了,但这些政策的存在和他们的实际执法充分说明了共产党的意图自然很多。 在党的明确目标是要保证中国的统一,稳定与和谐 ,它不是,也从未被施加汉至高无上的。 诚然,中国是一个专制政权,个人权利并非始终得到尊重,在新疆或其他任何省份。 中国需要民主和法治,但这已经无关的维吾尔族,汉族的压迫。

各族间的政策

让我们来歧视看看在积极的必需这些各族间的政策,对其中大多form进来了:10加入university points,以接触到的高考考试,partial排除在单一的独生子女政策,配额(but rather low的)在行政管理,最重要的是令人惊讶:一对非政治性的罪行,这是已知的假设形式的共同所有中:“明确的政策是宽大处理与维吾尔小心,他们可以携带刀”。

Another group of policies are the ones destined to avert the danger of Islamic fundamentalism. These include prohibition to wear headscarves and other religious attire in schools and government buildings,  prohibition for under 18 year olds to attend prayers at the mosque, and strict control of the clergy. While we can accuse these policies of offending sensibilities, we might as well say that France has a similar headscarf prohibition, and that China is consistent with its clear principle of forbidding religions to engage in politics. An enlightened rule, in my opinion, more so in a place where there is reasonable grounds for fearing religious fundamentalism.

Other more recent policies, decided by the maximum leader of the party in the region, Wang Lequan , are less justifiable. In particular the one related to having all the schools teach solely in Mandarin makes no sense and can only spark resentment among the Uyghurs. The logic of this decision is that all citizens need to be proficient in mandarin, but this point is not technically sound, as it has been proven that a full bilingual education from early age is compatible with proficiency in two languages.

Grievances

One interesting point in the conflict of July and its aftermath is that it was never made clear what exactly the protesters wanted. The WUC had plenty of media time, but it didn't present a consistent program. Kadeer dedicated her appearances to send out casualty figures and to deny her role in the events, relating them to the Guangdong incident. As a result, it is difficult to know which of the Chinese policies are most resented by Uyghurs, other than being “colonized and repressed”. The absence of a moderate Uyghur voice makes things very difficult to understand, another consequence of the heavy handed government of Wang Lequan.

In any case, it looks like it is not so much a matter of one policy in particular, but a problem of attitudes between the Uyghurs and he Han. A problem of integration and mutual misunderstanding that is so typical of interethnic conflict in any Western country, rather than a conflict between the oppressors and the oppressed. This is consistent with many of the observations of foreigners living in Xinjiang.

Much has been written in the West about positive discrimination, and you might be familiar with the kind of problems it can create. There is a natural reaction of resentment in the poorest elements of the majority group at what they see as unjust favouritism towards minorities. But worst of all, policies such as “ 2 restraints, 1 leniency ” lend themselves to abuse and often benefit the worst individuals in the minority, starting a vicious circle of negative selection.

In China positive discrimination is particularly vicious because the Han, encouraged by the official media, tend to take these few concessions as a definitive proof of their generosity towards the Uyghurs, which then gives them carte blanche to engage in all sorts of discriminating behaviours, in many cases not even realizing that they are being unfair .

The Uyghurs react to this perceived –and often very real- discrimination by adopting the role of eternal victims and recalling the invasion of the bingtuans , or the dilution of their people, which is hardly a strong argument as: 1- A large part of the bingtuan population is not installed in Uyghur areas, 2- The Chinese have been doing bingtuan-like activities in Xinjiang long before the Uyghurs even arrived and 3- Chinese companies  have all the right to establish in any areas of their country as long as they are not forcefully expropriating the original owners.

Some possible solutions

In conclusion, I think this is not so much a matter of bingtuan, oppression or ethnical dilution, but rather a matter of complete insensibility from both sides Han and Uygur, and most of all from the Chinese government in Xinjiang, whose head only cares about pleasing Beijing .

I know the really important problem – lack of democracy and rule of law – will not change in Urumqi until it does in Beijing. But without looking so far, I have some modest suggestions to the CPC of Xinjiang that should be easy to try and improve the situation.  All relatively simple points, more gestures and attitudes than large power concessions:

  • Don't forcefully modernize Kashgar declaring it backward .
  • Don't force monolingual schools on people for their own benefit.
  • Impose 100% bilingual schools for all in majority Uyghur areas.
  • Stop, progressively and with tact, the leniency policies.
  • Enforce the laws against discrimination in job postings .

But most important of all, I have one advice for the government of China that is not restricted only to Xinjiang: Actively promote mutual respect and understanding among different cultures and races.

This ability is seriously lacking in most Chinese of all ethnicities, as this essential part of their education has for years been substituted by clichéd touristic dances and children in costumes. This spells trouble for China not only with the minorities, but also in other regions where it wants to earn respect and expand its influence, like Africa or South America.

Lessons from Xinjiang: Disaster and Response

星期四,2009年8月6日

NYT diagram

I was not there and I do not know more than what is in the press. But in the light of the available information, I think it's worth it to have another look at the events, and see what we make of it. Refer to the NYT diagram linked on the illustration, this paper is hardly suspect of pro-CPC, and the information included (from witness accounts) is about as detailed as has been published concerning the events of 5th May.

It all started with a protest in People's Square, followed by a concentration along Liberation Road, which was met around 6.30 by the People's Armed Police. Up to here everything is “normal” in the logic of street rioting: there were clashes and probably some victims from both sides. But Liberation Rd. is very central, many people live there and surely the NYT would have found at least a witness to mention it if hundreds of people had been killed or made prisoner at this point.

But it is afterwards, especially after 8, along the axes of Tuanjie and Dawan Roads, that the events are not normal by any standard of social disorder. Street riots, like other forms of violence, can have collateral damage, but this is not the case. The police was not there, the Han mobs couldn't have been organized in such a short time, and the only way to explain those deaths is that it was a deliberate large scale massacre of civilian residents and passers by. This is consistent with what was written in other accounts by various newspapers.

The initial count of 123* Han casualties that has been more or less accepted by all sides as minimum is an astonishing figure for actions that happened mostly in the space of 5 hours and in such a reduced area. Looking at other riots in the region, including Xinjiang, Tibet or other Chinese areas, we see this ratio is completely out of range. This was not the heat of the fight in a political riot. It was cold-blooded persecution, the kind of actions that can only be the work of fanatics.

Who was behind the events

In its August 2 issue, the Hong Kong newsweekly Yazhou Zhoukan interviewed Heyrat Niyaz, a Uyghur journalist, blogger, and AIDS activist, the kind of person who is unlikely to be partial to the CPC. Heyrat speaks about the Islamic Liberation Party, Hizb-ut-Tahrir al-Islami, a pan-islamic international political party which is formally peaceful, but which has been accused in the past of inciting violence in Europe. This organization has spread very quickly in Xinjiang in the last decade.

As a witness in Urumqi, Niyaz notes the strong Kashgar accents of many of the protesters and the religious slogans that were heard in the protests. This brings to mind all the times the CPC has spoken of the menace of an Islamist group called ETIM, which might actually exist or not. In any case, some radical groups do exist, as was clearly seen from attacks like this one last year, where 16 policemen were coldly knifed and bombed after being run over.

I will not accuse any group without proof, as I would be guilty myself of the same “solid block” thinking I criticized yesterday. But what we have seen up to now should make any honest observer curious, and it certainly warrants further investigation in the field of radical islamism in Xinjiang. In a region bordered by countries like Afghanistan and Pakistan, it is not at all unthinkable that frustrated youths take example of their counterparts across the border and find an escape in a perverted version of religion.

Response

The Chinese government has handled the crisis relatively well, given the circumstances. Actually, the main objection one could make is the opposite of what most Western readers like to imagine: on Sunday 5th more force should have been used to avoid the murders.

If you think of it, you might agree that the CPC leaders are not precisely idealistic dreamers. When they let the foreign reporters into a place it is because they know they have nothing to lose, and this time they must have been pretty confident that they were not to blame. Also we have to admit that, even when in front of journalists, it is unusual in most armies in the World to exhibit so much discipline and restraint as the Chinese did in the aftermath of indiscriminate racist attacks against their own people.

A large part of the Western media were confused by this attitude, which perhaps explains why they left so early. Indeed, it is some food for thought and it can make some weaker spirits shrink, to consider that for the second time in a row (after the Sichuan disaster) China proves that, sometimes, an authoritarian regime can do things better than a democracy. It takes some solid convictions and some understanding of ones own ideals to be able to look at the World without the mould of good and evil.

In any case, there is little doubt – the Western media has given me no reason to think otherwise – that the Chinese double approach of media control and moderate police action has produced the best results during the crisis. It goes without saying that this only works as a short term formula to curb down the violence, and that much more will need to be done from now on to really solve the problems in Xinjiang. More about long term solutions in the next posts.

热比娅

I will not waste time here to discredit Rebiya Kadeer, because from the beginning she discredits herself. She has provided no basis at all for most of the information she gave to the media, and some of her claims are so absurdly wrong that it actually makes me think she has to be innocent: someone who's made it in business can't possibly be such a bad liar. The only explanation is that she is totally clueless.

Click on the picture for one example of her latest claims.

broom

More than anything, Kadeer gives the impression that she is desperate for TV time. She knows her time of fame is running to an end, and she is forced to place ever stronger claims, raising the stakes at each go to attract the tired audiences. As blogger twofish reflected, if she really cared about the future of Xinjiang, she might have grabbed this chance to send a message of peace and try to connect with the rest of the Chinese at a time when they were brutally attacked, earning perhaps the respect of the moderates.

But how has someone like Kadeer, a successful businesswoman in her time, imprisoned and then released by the CPC, ended up as de facto representative of the Uyghur people? Kadeer was called to play a role, and she plays it just fine. It is a role that has been written by the CPC, and by the Western media, and by the audiences and by the American NED , who is funding her. The story was written long before she arrived, a well proven plot that works with the public and will make everyone happy. It is all over again the Dalai Lama saga, and thanks to the copy-paste now the scriptwriters can relax and enjoy their Summer holidays.

Except, of course, that Rebiya Kadeer is no Dalai Lama, and neither her deeds nor her standing among the Uyghur justifiy any such comparison.

The Important Question

And now down to what many consider the crucial question: is Kadeer in contact or even financing the extremist groups who arranged the killings, or is she, as I suspect, totally ignorant of the reality on the ground? I don't think we will ever find out. It is difficult to believe that the NED, funded by the American Congress, would sponsor anyone connected with terrorism; but if by mistake they did, I am sure they will take good care to hide all the proofs.

Note that, either way, the NED doesn't come out very well from this story. Sponsoring an opportunist who jumps at the chance to get a name for herself while she coldly observes the killings of dozens is hardly in line with the objectives of a National Endowment for Democracy.

But really, is all this so important? I don't think so. Kadeer will not last, and whether she is guilty or not, the peanuts that the NED pays her do not really change anything. Kadeer with her accommodated expatriate Uyghurs of the WUC cannot possibly control the operations of a terrorist group on the ground. And, as an inspirational role, I doubt it very much that she – a woman, twice married, business and PC background – could ever work for young islamist radicals. She will most certainly not turn into the new bin Laden.

No, the real questions for China and for the World are others:

W ho was really behind the killings of 5th July? How will the prisoners be judged? How are the interethnic policies of the CPC failing? How is this failure feeding the bases of some violent groups? What is the connection of these groups with islamist terrorism and what is the probability of Al-Qaeda joining the party? And why is China the only Security Council country that hasn't received a large-scale attack from islamists, in spite of the years-long Uyghur conflict?

And finally, where are the people that are supposed to be answering all these questions?

*See my comment below for the basis of this number.

Stimulus Package and its Effect on SOEs

星期二,09年6月30日

I enjoyed reading this article by Evelyn Chan on the Carter Center blog. It is clear and well written and in my opinion it is right on the money. It's the article I would have liked to write on the stimulus package (h/t CDT )

When it comes to Chinese economy I have always been a bit of  a pessimist. This year I am getting to understand better the situation of public finance – I recently read the informative Finance and Factions , by Victor Shih -  and now the outlook looks even bleaker. On the surface China is doing well, but the more you look into the details the more unsustainable it looks. Which is exactly how systems look when they are about to snap.

And yet somehow I will not be surprised if in 10 years time we look back and find that we are still in the same situation. After all, there were experts writing similar predictions already 10 years ago…